Book on the visual constitution of “race” in online environments

29 April, 2008

Here is a post from Anthrodesign:

DIGITIZING RACE: Visual Cultures of the Internet
Lisa Nakamura
University of Minnesota Press | 304 pages | 2007
ISBN 978-0-8166-4612- 8 | hardcover | $58.50
ISBN 978-0-8166-4613- 5 | paperback | $19.50

The implications of how we see and exhibit race and ethnicity online.

Lisa Nakamura, a leading scholar in the examination of race in digital media, looks at the emergence of race-, ethnic-, and gender-identified visual cultures through popular yet rarely evaluated uses of the Internet. While popular media depict people of color and women as passive audiences, Nakamura argues that they use the Internet to vigorously articulate their own types of virtual community, avatar bodies, and racial politics.

“With Digitizing Race, Lisa Nakamura, one of the most perceptive observers of identity in the digital age, skillfully draws our attention to those taken for granted interfaces at which race and ethnicity are constituted, revealing the centrality of these techno-visual practices to contemporary political culture.” -Alondra Nelson

For more information, including the table of contents, visit the book’s webpage:

Although the book deals with the US only, it makes me think of the very distinctive visuality of Chinese sites. On the one hand, there is the “cuteness” that has by now probably become a visual identifier of being East Asian (though it is very interesting why it is so broadly accepted and what sort of identities and includes); on the other hand, there are specific national(istic) symbols, though normally far less prominent. The organisation of the sites also tends to be very different from English-language ones, which raises the question whether such things as formatting can in itself convey a particular (vaguely ethno-political) identity.


Link to applied neuro-anthropology

14 April, 2008

Normally, I wouldn’t cross-post from the other anthropology site that I do, but my partner-in-blogging on Neuroanthropology, Daniel Lende, has been putting up some great posts that could just have easily been featured on Culture Matters because they’re about applying anthropology in all sorts of ways. I won’t reference them all, but I thought I’d flag a couple that might be of special interest to those involved with applied anthropology:

In Cellphones Save The World, Lende looks at an article in The New York Times on Jan Chipchase, a ‘human-behavior researcher’ and ‘user-anthropologist’ who works for Nokia. Daniel provides an extensive commentary on the original article in the NYT magazine, Can the Cellphone Help End Global Poverty?; both would likely be of interest to Culture Matters readers. Lende follows up his original commentary with more information on Jan Chipchase here.

Another post explores an ongoing project, Digital Ethnography, at Kansas State University, with a couple of good video clips including A Vision of Students Today.

Finally, and I’m just sampling from a few of his April posts, there’s a series on obesity that looks at the ‘obesity epidemic’ from a holistic, anthropological perspective. There’s several posts, but the last (which have links to the earlier ones) are On the Causes of Obesity: Common Sense or Interacting Systems and Human Biology and Models for Obesity.

Like I said, normally, I wouldn’t shamelessly cross-plug posts on the two blogs, but since I’m not the one doing the postings, and I really do think that they’re great examples of applying anthropology to pressing practical issues like poverty or public health, I’m breaking my usual rule for self-restraint.


how dictionaries mark the evolution of language

15 January, 2008

When I arrived in Australia 5 months ago, one of the first things that struck me was how different the English here is. When a student pronounced one of the class assignments “a bit naf,” I ran to Jovan to ask him what it meant. He soon delighted in feeding me baffling colloquialisms. (The result is that I have post it notes all over my office shelves with notations like “dinky-die,” “ocker,” “yobbo,” and “bogan,” but I’ve already forgot what all of those mean.) The only rule I’ve managed to glean is that Australians love to use diminutives (”brekkie” being my favorite). Once my undergraduate students cottoned on to how thick I was, they had lots of fun introducing me to new terms.

Yesterday, fellow American Anne Monchamp brought me a little news item about Macquarie Dictionary’s new additions for 2007. I went to the website to pore through the new additions and see if I could learn a little more Australish. Read the rest of this entry »


Ethnography in Human Computer Interaction

27 November, 2007

I thought you might be interested in an recent presentation given by Paul Dourish on the use of Ethnography in Human Computer Interaction. It’s a bit of a follow on from his much discussed comments from an earlier Computer Human Interaction (CHI) conference, where he suggested that you couldn’t just simply translate enthographic research into a series of design implications.

The abstract reads:

Many researchers and practitioners in user experience design have turned towards social sciences to find ways to understand the social contexts in which both users and technologies are embedded. Ethnographic approaches are increasingly prominent as means by which this might be accomplished. However, a very wide range of forms of social investigation travel under the “ethnography” banner in HCI, suggesting that there is still considerable debate over what ethnography is and how it can best be employed in design contexts.

Building on earlier discussions and debates around ethnography and its implications, this paper explores how ethnographic methods might be consequential for design. In particular, it illustrates the implications for design that might be derived from classical ethnographic material and shows that these may not be of the form that HCI research normally imagines or expects.

The pdf link is http://www.ics.uci.edu/~jpd/publications/2007/dux2007-ethnography.pdf

(links and story via the http://www.experientia.com/blog/)

Stephen Cox


The Second Life of Sacred Sites

25 October, 2007

Ute Eickelkamp put me onto a really fascinating article that appeared recently about legal and cultural issues arising due to real world locations being recreated in the online world Second LifeThe question of how to apply copyright is raised, but more interesting from my point of view is the controversy surrounding Teltra’s reproduction of a virtual Uluru without the permission of the traditional owners of the original, the Anangu people. The article reports that:

Designers of the BigPond site included a scaled down Uluru, with a barrier to stop people walking or flying over the sacred site. However, representatives of the traditional owners, the Anangu people, warned that even with the restrictions it may be possible to view sacred sites around Uluru, although they were continuing to investigate the issue.

Concerns have also been raised that Uluru and the opera house could be exposed to digital vandalism, following an attack on the ABC’s Second Life island earlier this week.

[...]

A spokesman for Telstra confirmed the company had not sought the permission of Uluru’s landowners.

Legislation has been in place to limit photography, filming and commercial painting at Uluru for 20 years, with tight restrictions on what is and is not allowed.

Capturing images of parts of the northeast face of Uluru is banned and all pictures taken of that part of Uluru must be submitted to the landowners for approval.

While visitors in the game cannot touch Uluru or fly over it, they can virtually fly in the no-fly zone to the northeast and take snapshots.

However, while the rules governing photography, filming and paintings have been in place since 1987, a spokesperson from National Parks said the issue of digital images online had never been raised before.

National Parks, which administers the area on behalf of the traditional landowners, now has lawyers looking at Uluru in Second Life and is considering sending a delegation to meet landowners to discuss the situation.

This article raises a lot of really interesting questions about the relationship between the digital technology, the sacred and cultural rights.  It’s worth noting that the Anangu people’s reaction is not to the unauthorised reproduction of Uluru but also because of unauthorised visiting and viewing of secret/sacred parts virtual rock itself. But given that this is just a digital model, in what sense are these virtual visitors seeing secret/sacred objects or sites? Unlike a photograph, a digital copy has no indexical relationship to the original — no physical connection between sign and referent. But nevertheless the Anangu are expressing a real concern about unauthorised people seeing what they’re not supposed to and going where they’re not supposed to.  The magical umbilicus between the two remains, it seems, and actions in a virtual world appear to be capable of damaging the sacred qualities of the original.

I don’t know a great deal about phenomenology of ritual and production of sacred sites in Aboriginal socieites, but it seems like an interesting case to explore how these are being rearticulated in response to the challenges presented by new technologies.

On Monday Ute will be hosting a round-table discussion about this article in her Art and Culture course here at Macquarie.  I might go along and see if I can learn some more about this.

Jovan Maud


Virtual anthropology article

23 October, 2007

Just came across this article on so-called “virtual anthropology”. It provides, I think, a good overview of the impetus pushing market researchers and others towards anthropological methods, which they self-consciously label as “anthropology lite”.

What I found interesting about the article was the connection it made between the emergence of “ethnography” as a corporate technique and the “long tail” phenomenon — the transformation from mass markets to much more actively consumer defined niche marklets. In this sort of world, closely connected to the Web 2.0 phenomenon, is the idea of user-produced content. A more nuanced way of understanding the market, or rather the multiplicity of micro-markets, is needed. So along comes anthropology, which specialises in working with small scale communities and finding out how people make meaning of the world from living and working with them.

I think I have some problems with this but I’ll have to save further discussion for another day.

VIRTUAL ANTHROPOLOGY | An emerging consumer trend and related new business ideas

Jovan Maud


The transparent life

18 October, 2007

A little while ago Wired magazine reported on Hasan Elahi, a Bangladeshi-American suspected of being a terrorist. He devised an apparently ingenious method of keeping himself “out of Guantanamo”: he would embark on a project of almost complete self surveillance using digital technology. He takes hundreds of photos of himself every day and sends them to his website so that if the FBI want to find out what he’s doing they only have to look there. Like a human sonar, he constantly sends out “pings” to locate himself, a method reminiscent of Twitter. The article discusses his rationale:

“I’ve discovered that the best way to protect your privacy is to give it away,” he says, grinning as he sips his venti Black Eye. Elahi relishes upending the received wisdom about surveillance. The government monitors your movements, but it gets things wrong. You can monitor yourself much more accurately. Plus, no ambitious agent is going to score a big intelligence triumph by snooping into your movements when there’s a Web page broadcasting the Big Mac you ate four minutes ago in Boise, Idaho. “It’s economics,” he says. “I flood the market.”

Although Elahi seems pretty cheerful about this I wonder if his strategy is a novel method of pre-empting the surveillance of the state, or a model for self-servitude? In some ways it seems to be a very literal application of Foucault’s theory of self-subjectification, except instead of internalising surveillance and control Elahi “externalises” it by making it available the authorities as an ongoing alibi. He has also perfected the surveillance by outdoing the authorities, suggesting that it’s not the presence of the state’s control that is the problem, rather its lacks and lacunae.

To me, Elahi’s approach to his “problem” suggests he is in a state of being always-already guilty. Rather than assuming he is innocent, his energy must go into a constant struggle against that state. The onus is on him to prove that he is not guilty of something rather than on the state to prove that he is. It’s Kafka-esque in a way. Like the protagonist of The Trial he is guilty of a crime but doesn’t know what it is. His life then becomes devoted to proving that he innocent, which is of course can never be achieved.

Anyway, this is a thought-provoking application of ubiquitous computing, or ubicomp, in a post-911 world. It raises the question of whether, as we become ever more connected, the onus will increasingly fall on us to prove our “innocence” in various ways just because we can. I see an echo in a more trivial domain: the reduced tolerance for ambiguity that comes from possessing a mobile phone. Now that it is a technical possibility I find we tend to check up more on each other. For example, if I am slightly late for a meeting with friends I will inevitably get a call asking where I am. Likewise, I’m held to account for not letting my friends know I’m going to be late. It is also a common experience to find that the mobile, Blackberry or whatever blurs the lines between work and leisure, so that the freedome the phone provides means that we are even more thoroughly chained to the demands of the job. In each of these cases the domain of plausible deniability has shrunk and therefore we are forced to self-surveil and contantly “prove our innocence”.

Of course this is not just a product of technology. Even if we are all guilty some people are more guilty than others. An example is Muslim men in the contemporary USA, or Australia for that matter, as the case of Mohamed Haneef more than amply demonstrates.

The Visible Man: An FBI Target Puts His Whole Life Online


MANA’O - New Open Access Repository for Anthropology

9 October, 2007

The Department of Anthropology at the University of Hawai’i at Manoa is launching a new Open Access repository for anthropology. This is an exciting step towards increasing access to anthropological writing. Here’s the announcement from Alex Golub over at Savage Minds (and the University of Hawai’i at Manoa):

It is with great pleasure that I request submissions for MANAO—an Open Access repository for anthropology sponsored by the Department of Anthropology at the University of Hawai’i at Manoa. In Hawai’ian “mana’o” means thoughts, ideas, knowledge, or opinions—when making decisions together people in Hawai’i often ask for each other’s mana’o. The Mana’o project combines anthropology’s commitment with the ideal of ‘open access’ with open source software’s focus on free technology. The goal is to provide tools that allow scholars to better communicate with each other and with the world.

Mana’o will ‘soft-launch’ in late-November 2007 during the annual meeting of the American Anthropological Association in Washington D.C. We are currently inviting early adopters to submit work that will be featured in this launch. At the moment we are specifically interested in:

BA Theses
MA Theses
Ph.D. Theses
Articles in peer-reviewed journals
Papers given at academic conferences
Digitized books

If you would like to deposit your work with us, simply email it to submissions@manaoproject.org and our staff will process it and deposit it in Mana’o. If you already have your publications online, simply send us the URL and we will process the material ourselves.

Please note that we can only deposit documents that are in the public domain, documents for which you clearly hold the copyright, or documents for which the copyright owner (typically, the publisher) permits authors to deposit their work in a repository such as this. Unfortunately, this does not include PDFs of your dissertation created by UMI (unless you have used the UMI Open Access publishing option). We can, however, accept the electronic documents that you submitted to UMI when you deposited your dissertation with your university library. If you are unsure who owns the copyright to the work you wish to submit, we can work with you to determine your rights.

Anthropologists have long been concerned with making their world available to the public, including the communities with whom they have lived and conducted fieldwork. Mana’o represents an important step forward in creating concrete open access solutions for anthropology. I hope that you will be part of our initial program, and I look forward
to receiving your submission!

Please circulate this call for submissions as widely as possible. If you are interested in volunteering for the project, please do not hesitate to contact me at golub@hawaii.edu.

Thank you,
Alex Golub, Ph.D.
Assistant Professor of Anthropology
University of Hawai’i at Manoa

I hope that Culture Matters readers/writers will join in submitting and making their own writing more widely accessible (and hopefully more widely read)!

L.L. Wynn


An example of the machine which is us/ing us

24 July, 2007

Michael Wesch’s great video about the social consequences of so-called Web 2.0 of course provides a lot of food for thought. The argument is that Web 2.0’s increasingly “social” interactive qualities are essentially teaching or training “the machine” using an enormous amount of data uploaded. New technologies of correlation and capture mean that the social qualities of the web don’t merely lie in the types of personal interactions now possible, but in the overall effect of the sum of interactions.

The video below contains a dramatic example of this trend, made possible by two new Microsoft programs called Seadragon and Photosynth. I have to say, I was completely gobsmacked watching it.

I was directed to this video by this post at “this blog sits at the…” The author, Grant McCracken, thoughtfully writes that:

In effect, tags and texts end up giving me perspectival information as, or more, interesting than the photos themselves. They become an opportunity to build collective memories as good or better than the memories we construct for ourselves. And this suggests an internet that contains collective emotional and intellectual resources.

More and more of our internal operations are being off loaded into cyberspace. That memory should be one of them feels wrong, because memory is perhaps the most personal and authenticating of our internal faculties. But it is not difficult to imagine a time when the the “memory of crowds” might be the best memory of all.

These questions about memory, the relationship between public and private, and the sorts of collective consciousness that will be produced by these new developments are important. Whether the possibilities are as positive as Grant suggests, I’m not sure. There would appear to be an even more powerful tendency towards “the hive mind”. And I imagine the points of collective fascination and memory creation, such as Notre Dame, will be matched by dark areas of collective forgetting.

This is obviously something that bears more thinking about.


Rich ethnographic reports about the uses of ICT in low-income communities

19 July, 2007

I lately came across a number of exciting papers I would like to share. Let me get started with one of these today, a long report initiated by the UK Department for Development, written by a number of researchers from British and Australian Universities, about the social and economic benefits of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) in low-income communities in Jamaica, India, South Africa and Ghana.  

The working papers strongly re-enforce the benefits of an ethnographic approach for the wider world – something which we have explored at some length on Culture Matters regarding the corporate world (especially in product design and marketing) - but which is also increasingly seen as contributing to sound development policies.   

One of the most convincing by Daniel Miller and Heather Horst juxtaposes conventional ICT policy making in Jamaica with ethnographic findings and uncovers that the assumptions concerning internet use held by the government as well as international NGOs diverge hugely from the realities. The background to the study was that, while the cell phone is very popular in Jamaica (with an average of 3 phones per household), the Internet is not so (only 3% of the population were online in 2004). In order to boost internet access (and implicitly solve all sorts of problems the country has – primarily in the crisis-ridden primary and secondary educational sector), the government plans to use a special tax to finance computers and virtual teaching resources and has applied for funding to several international organisations.  

Let me juxtapose some of the current policies with Miller’s and Horst’s recommendations: 

Instead of more computers in secondary schools invest in post-educational training for young adults
Merely putting computers into schools will not of itself be of any great benefit. Miller and Horst interviewed school children and found that due to security fears, computer access in schools was highly restricted and only available to high achieving children, many of whom came from higher income families and had access to the Internet anyhow. Despite school policies which stated that all children would have at least weekly access to computers, in actual fact, many had not been granted access to the computer lab in months. Secondary school children in Jamaica are often very badly motivated and drop out of school early. Yet the same people resume their interest in schooling when they have reached their late 20s and early 30s. “We witnessed a deep thirst for gaining qualifications and secure employment … long after they have left school”. Thus the authors propose that the government puts more resources into tertiary education (evening schools, day-time TV). “Jamaica has a huge demand for skills training and general education at the post-educational level, quite beyond that of other countries, and one that does not fit the global pattern of education as child-centered. Use of cable-TV and the Internet in adult education (hospitality industry, basic literacy, typing, office procedures and IT skills such as Microsoft office as well as general education) would do justice to the specific nature of Jamaican society and would transform the effective skills base of the society.”  

Instead of investing into expensive high-end computers invest in low-price computers without gaming facilities
Studies worldwide show that personal computers are more used for gaming than for any other single purpose. Many manufacturers therefore strive to optimize technology mainly to create a satisfactory gaming experience. But from an educational perspective this sophistication is unnecessary (even detrimental). Thus the Jamaican government should consider investing in low-tech, low-price computers. 

Instead of investing in new educational content, create trustworthy portals
Instead of creating their own educational and informational content at high costs, a lot of money can be saved by kitemarking, i.e. creating portals which identify useful and high-quality web resources. 

Instead of investing in community computers, offer Internet access via individual mobile phones
Currently the main influence on the direction on ICT investment are well-meaning bodies such as NGOs and aid agencies who see an important role for ICTs in supporting what they call ‘community’. Large loans to the Jamaican government by the Inter-American Bank and the UNDP are destined to set up community computers.

“Many millions of US$ have been, or will be, dedicated to community computing. However, the emphasis on community centers for computing represents what we would call global rather than local thinking. The same recommendations may be found regardless of whether we are in Croatia or India. Aid agencies want to fund communities since it justifies expenditure as a social rather than as individual benefit and because they want to encourage communities per se. But this may result in a tendency to see ‘communities’ as uncritically positive or useful sites for disseminating information and access to computing and to wish them into existence even when there is no evidence for them.”  

Yet not only did Miller and Horst find little evidence for the vibrancy of ‘community’ in highly individualistic Jamaica, they go so far as to state that there is “evidence that most Jamaicans possess a negative view of ICTs that must be shared and instead stressed the need for private ownership. ‘Community’ is associated with churches (who sometimes offer computer access), yet these were seen as exclusive rather than inclusive points of access. Similarly, there are ‘community events’, often sponsored by local elites, which are seen to serve their own interests rather than a broader community. Lastly, there are neighbourhoods which could be constructed as ‘communities’, yet there is little emphasis on sharing consumer goods. Past provisions of community computers in post offices and libraries have been singularly ineffective in Jamaica. Miller and Horst found several Internet access points that had never been used.  

Many Jamaicans cited cultural reasons for their disregard for the internet in general, such as being part of an oral, highly individualistic culture, whose members are very private and thus don’t like sharing communication devices. Whatever the “real” reasons for the rejection of the Internet, Miller and Horst advise the government to “restrict its support and approval of commercial philanthropy to those cases that have carefully dovetailed to agreed programmes shown to be of value to low-income Jamaicans.” One promising way would be to provide limited internet access through the (highly popular) cell phone.  The whole report is full of examples for ethnography’s ability to check (and often disprove) common-sense beliefs concerning the benefits of new technologies: Thus ICT doesn’t necessarily have a positive impact on employment and income generation (as is often thought). In the poor households studied the cell phone proved vital in income distribution, but not generation. More than half of the households incomes were derived through social networks and personal contacts rather than through employment or work. Phones were used to maintain and access the huge but shallow social networks, which could be called upon in times of crisis. The only people who did use ICT for entrepreneurial purposes were not the very poor, but those that already possessed regular employment. (This reminds me of Appadurai’s concept of “the capacity to aspire”, a capacity which the poor are lacking in many ways and which results in better-off members of society to benefit disproportionately from aid). 

I also found the reports from Ghana by Don Slater and Janet Kwami fascinating. Read the rest of this entry »